Complex Predicates: Cross-linguistic Perspectives on Event by Dr Mengistu Amberber, Dr Brett Baker, Mark Harvey

By Dr Mengistu Amberber, Dr Brett Baker, Mark Harvey

Advanced predicates are multipredicational, yet monoclausal constructions. they've got confirmed not easy for linguistic idea, quite for proposed differences among the lexicon, morphology, and syntax. This quantity specializes in the mapping from morphosyntactic buildings to occasion constitution, and specifically, the restrictions on attainable mappings. the quantity showcases the 'coverb development' a posh predicate development which, even though frequent, has acquired little consciousness within the literature. The coverb building contrasts with extra established serial verb structures. The coverb building quite often maps basically to occasion constructions like these of monomorphemic verbs, while serial verb structures map to a number of occasion constructions differing from these of monomorphemic verbs. the quantity assurance is really cross-linguistic, together with languages from Australia, Papua New Guinea, Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent, East Africa and North the United States. the quantity establishes a brand new enviornment of study in occasion constitution, syntax, and cross-linguistic typology.

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Basic Materials in Mara: Grammar, Texts and Dictionary. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics : Series C: . Jackendoff, R. . Semantics and Cognition. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. . Semantic structures. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. . Parts and Boundaries. Cognition :  –. . The Proper Treatment of Measuring Out, Telicity, and Possibly Even Quantification in English. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory , : –. . The Architecture of the Language Faculty. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

The Syntax of Serial Verbs: An Investigation into Serials in Sranan and Other Languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Complex predicate formation 47 Van Valin, R. D. . A Synopsis of Role and Reference Grammar. In Advances in Role and Reference Grammar, Robert D. Van Valin, Jr. ), –. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Van Valin, R. D. J. . Syntax: Structure, Meaning and Function. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vendler, Z. . Linguistics in Philosophy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

However, there is one circumstance where the constraint does not prohibit simultaneous relations. This is when motion to an endpoint induces a change of state in an entity contemporaneous with that endpoint. In this case, merger can support simultaneous MOVE and BECOME predicates. ’ [lit. ’  Wilson translates this sentence as ‘They broke its wing by spearing’, but ‘spear’ is a separate verb re, while the verb used here, du-, centrally refers to cutting, not spearing. 30 Baker and Harvey The coverb bak ‘break’ is an inchoative coverb (Wilson : –), and has the following LCS: () bak ‘break’: [Event BECOME ([State BE ([Thing ], [PlaceAT (broken)])])] The LCSs of the ‘fall’ and ‘cut’ verbs are as follows: () linyi ‘fall’: [Event MOVE ([Thing ], [Path DOWN])] () du ‘cut’: [Event CAUSE ([Thing ], [Event MOVE ([Thing ], [Path TO ([Place IN [Thing]])])])] The LCS of the coverb may be merged with the LCSs of these verbs to produce the following: () bak linyi ‘break by falling’: [Event MOVE ([Thing ]i, [Path DOWN])] [Event BECOME ([State BE ([Thing ] i, [PlaceAT (broken)])])] () bak du ‘break by cutting’: [Event CAUSE ([Thing ], [Event MOVE ([Thing ], [Path TO ([Place IN [Thing] i ])])])] [Event BECOME ([State BE ([Thing] i, [Place AT (broken)])])] The BECOME function is monovalent, and its argument must be coindexed with either the argument of the MOVE function or the argument of the TO function.

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