By Ayesha Kidwai
Some of the most hotly debated phenomena in normal language is that of leftward argument scrambling. This ebook investigates the homes of Hindi-Urdu scrambling to teach that it needs to be analyzed as uniformly a focality-driven XP-adjunction operation. It proposes a singular thought of binding and coreference that not just derives the coreference results in scrambled buildings, yet has vital results for the correct formula of binding, crossover, reconstruction, and representational economic climate within the minimalist application. The e-book could be of curiosity not just to experts in Hindi-Urdu syntax and/or scrambling, yet to all scholars of generative syntax.
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Additional resources for Xp-Adjunction in Universal Grammar: Scrambling and Binding in Hindi-Urdu (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)
Example text
These facts identify Hindi-Urdu to pattern with Norwegian and Danish (Hestvik 1992, Vikner 1985) rather than English. Therefore, if the scrambled DO in examples such as (12b) is in [Spec, TP], the NP-movement analysis must explain why it is not considered at par with a syntactic subject by the binding theory, in contravention of all current assumptions regarding the positions of subjects in UG. Finally, a consequence of the claim that scrambling creates new binding configurations is that certain types of scrambling must be immune to reconstruction.
An example from the traditional A-/A-bar typology makes the point clear: NP-movement is intrinsically a Case-driven movement to a Cased position, but the fact that this Cased position is also typically a position from which reflexive and pronominal binding can take place is only a correlational property—a consequence of the movement but not the reason why it is triggered. A use of a typology such as Mahajan's which equates the satisfaction of a correlational property with that of an intrinsic property, yields results in which intrinsically different movements are analyzed as belonging to a single class, as in the case of scrambling that, I will argue, does not share the same morphosyntactic imperative as either NP-movement or WH-movement.
SCRAMBLING: SYNTACTIC PROPERTIES 27 Mahajan suggests that in such instances of object agreement, the perfective participle is not a structural Case-assigner (it has the same form as the Hindi-Urdu passive participle), and therefore the DO cannot be assigned even an S-structure visible Case in its base position. To satisfy the Sstructure Visibility Condition, the object in (5a) raises to [Spec, AGR-oP] for structural accusative Case, with verb raising to AGR-o accomplishing object-verb agreement.