By Malka Rappaport Hovav, Edit Doron, Ivy Sichel
This publication specializes in the linguistic illustration of temporality within the verbal area and its interplay with the syntax and semantics of verbs, arguments, and modifiers. major students discover the department of labour among syntax, compositional semantics, and lexical semantics within the encoding of occasion constitution, encompassing occasion contributors and the temporal houses linked to occasions. They learn the interface among occasion constitution and the structures with which it interacts, together with the interface among occasion constitution and the syntactic cognizance of arguments and modifiers. Deploying various frameworks and theoretical views they think about principal matters and questions within the box, between them even if argument-structure is laid out in the lexical entries of verbs or syntactically built in order that syntactic place determines thematic prestige; no matter if the hierarchical constitution evidenced in argument constitution locate parallels in signal language; may still the relation among participants of an alternation pair, reminiscent of the causative-inchoative alternation, be understood lexically or derivationally; and the position of syntactic class in opting for the configuration of argument constitution.
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Extra resources for Syntax, Lexical Semantics, and Event Structure (Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)
Example text
G. Dowty 1979, based on Kenny 1963; Pustejovsky 1991), and some result verbs are necessarily telic. There is reason, however, to believe that the two notions should not be equated. Reflections on Manner/Result Complementarity 27 First, the relevant notion of result should be lexically encoded, yet as much recent work makes clear, telicity is lexically encoded only for a very small part of the English verb inventory (Kratzer 2004; Filip 2005; Filip and Rothstein 2006; Rappaport Hovav 2008); more often, telicity is compositionally determined (Filip and Rothstein 2006; Hay, Kennedy, and Levin 1999, Kennedy and Levin 2008; Krifka 1998).
Grimshaw goes on, however, to propose that there are constraints on the complexity of verb meaning, suggesting that the unlimited complexity in meaning she refers to is confined to the root, with the event schema ‘rigidly constrained’. e. smolt] is semantically no more complex than any other: it is either a causative or an activity predicate’ (2005:85). Manner/result complementarity, however, involves the root. Therefore, we rephrase our question: Are there constraints on what can be lexicalized in a verb root?
For warm, the values are in increasing order: a warming event necessarily involves an entity showing an increase in value along the dimension of temperature. For cool, the scale has the reverse ordering relation, so a cooling event involves a decrease in value along the dimension of temperature. Many change of state verbs, including warm and cool, are related to gradable adjectives, which are themselves also lexically associated with a scale; they do not lexicalize a notion of change, but simply a value that either exceeds or falls short of a standard value on the scale—which of the two is determined by the ordering relation.