By Z. Boskovic
The theoretical area of research of this quantity is the character of the syntax-phonology interface. The empirical area of research is cliticization in South Slavic. the quantity additionally examines numerous phenomena that elevate theoretical matters relating to these curious about South Slavic cliticization, particularly, a number of wh-fronting in Slavic and Romanian, Germanic V-2, item shift and stylistic fronting in Scandinavian, and negation in Romance. The principal theoretical questions thought of within the quantity are how syntax and phonology have interaction with one another and no matter if PF can have an effect on observe order. it truly is argued that PF does have an effect on be aware order, yet no longer via real PF flow. the quantity makes new proposals in regards to the structural illustration of clitics and the character of clitic clustering. It additionally presents an account of the second one place influence and teases aside the function of syntax and phonology in cliticization and the second one place phenomenon.
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Extra info for On the Nature of the Syntax-Phonology Interface: Cliticization and Related Phenomena
Sample text
We have seen above how the strong syntax account of second position cliticization works. 42 Boskovic (1995, 1997a) and Stjepanovic (1998a, b) have already questioned the validity of (2a-c). The general conclusion that the data discussed in the next section will lead me to is that conceptual problems aside, current strong syntax accounts of second position cliticization must be rejected on empirical one of the reasons for abandoning the PF theory of strong features. e. as objects that cannot be tolerated by a derivation and therefore must be eliminated as soon as they are introduced into the structure.
26 (31) *U drugoj sobi su. ' I conclude, therefore, that there is no need to appeal to PI to account for clitic placement in &e+predicate constructions, which are claimed by Browne (1975) to involve obligatory 1W placement and argued by Schtitze (1994) to provide evidence for PI. 4 ^/'-constructions. Another potential argument for PI in SC concerns the behavior of the interrogative complementizer //. Li is normally used in yes-no questions. It can also be used with wh-words in emphatic questions.
31 3 'King (1994) and Franks (1998a) claim that in Russian, which also has a 1W restriction on the element preceding //' (see m. 29), focus can be confined to the element following li. According to them, a sequence Adj-/z-noun can have any of the readings given below, including the second reading, where the focus is restricted to the noun following //'. (i) Novye // masiny emu nravjatsja? ' My informant, however, disagrees with the judgment, accepting only the first reading. According to my informant, as in SC, the element preceding //' must be focused in Russian.