By Elisabeth Stark, Elisabeth Leiss, Werner Abraham
The next theoretical-empirical issues at the DP are mentioned: Article and its referential-anaphoric houses through Abraham (Determiners in Centering Theory); Bartra (On naked NPs in outdated Spanish and Catalan); id of all practical nominal different types through Stvan (Bare singular count number nouns); Kupisch & Koops (Specificity and negation); Jäger (History of German indefinite determiners); typological comparability of the interplay of nominal and verbal selection by way of Abraham (Discourse-functional crystallization of the original demonstrative); Leiss (Covert (in)definiteness and element in outdated Icelandic, Gothic, previous excessive German); Lohndal (Double definiteness in the course of outdated Norse); emergence of DP in ontogeny/phylogeny by means of Osawa (DP, TP and element in outdated English and L1 acquisition); Bittner (Early services of definites in L1 acquisition); wooden (Demonstratives and possessives emergent from previous English); Bauer ((in)definite articles in Indo-European) and Stark (Variation in nominal indefiniteness in Romance).
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Extra info for Nominal Determination: Typology, Context Constraints and Historical Emergence (Studies in Language Companion Series)
Example text
9) c. met son. born tokoro de]i ushinatta hitori no am. singer. (Cp2 = modifier of son, Cp1 = modifier of singer) Just as Russian ego can be used as subject-referring pronoun “oneself ” or German man, the reflexive intensifier jibun serves as a good example for the locality relation. Desambiguation is achieved by the relative order of the modifying constituent umareta tokoro de “place of birth”: If in the object constituent musuko “son”, the antecedent modifier refers to “son”; however, if in proximity to the subject constituent kashu ga “singer”, the modifier inevitably is coreferent with kashu ga “singer(subject)”, while reference to son is impossible.
ArtPro/DemPro takes up only the linearly last rhema reference. PersPro, on the other hand, is left without any coreference in (53b). This leads to the generalization in (54a, b). (54) a. b. ArtPro/DemPro restricts its antecedent relation to the latest mention of the set-referentially independent rhema, in contrast to PersPro, which presupposes a set-referentially dependent antecedent chain. This antecedent represents the clause-internal thema. PersPro does not find an antecedent in a pure rhema chain (cf.
1998). Centering Theory allows for generalizations on text continuance and text coherence on the strength of anaphoric categories coreferring with DP-text participants (appellative/common nouns, proper names). The inventory of terms in Section 2 will play a role in the ensuing discussion. Linear orders and priorities among appellative/common noun text participants, DPs, are unfolded from within the perspective of the new text participants (Cf, where {Cf}⊂Un). , all types of Pro-nominals taking up the reference of (“coreferring to”) this antecedent and indicating the most appropriate discourse-activated text participant (Cb,6 where {Cb}⊂Un).