By Lydia H. Liu, Rebecca E. Karl, Dorothy Ko
He-Yin Zhen (ca. 1884-1920?) was once a theorist who figured centrally within the delivery of chinese language feminism. not like her contemporaries, she used to be involved much less with China's destiny as a country and extra with the connection between patriarchy, imperialism, capitalism, and gender subjugation as international historic difficulties. This quantity, the 1st translation and learn of He-Yin's paintings in English, seriously reconstructs early twentieth-century chinese language feminist notion in a transnational context by way of juxtaposing He-Yin Zhen's writing opposed to works by means of better-known male interlocutors of her time.
The editors start with a close research of He-Yin Zhen's lifestyles and notion. They then current annotated translations of six of her significant essays, in addition to foundational tracts via her male contemporaries, Jin Tianhe (1874-1947) and Liang Qichao (1873--1929), to which He-Yin's paintings responds and with which it engages. Jin, a poet and educator, and Liang, a thinker and journalist, understood feminism as a paternalistic reason that liberals like themselves may still protect. He-Yin provides an alternate perception that pulls upon anarchism and different radical developments. sooner than her time, He-Yin Zhen complicates traditional bills of feminism and China's heritage, delivering unique views on intercourse, gender, hard work, and tool that stay proper today.
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Extra resources for The Birth of Chinese Feminism: Essential Texts in Transnational Theory (Weatherhead Books on Asia)
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For more on the debates over female education of the time, see Joan Judge, “Talent, Virtue and the Nation: Chinese Nationalisms and Female Subjectivities in the Early Twentieth Century,” American Historical Review 106, 3 (June 2001): 765–803. For home management, see Helen Schneider, Keeping the Nation’s House (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 2011). 10 As Dorothy Ko has written in this regard, the “end” of footbinding was a tortured affair, pitting missionaries and state bureaucrats, as well as male and female elites, against the common practice and against the pain of the unbinding process.
The production of normative heterosexuality is but part of the problem—homosexuality was “tolerated” to a certain extent by traditional Chinese society which would not, however, permit the free movement of its gentry women21—and only a symptom of the structure of power she analyzes in her work. For this and for other reasons, He-Yin Zhen refuses to take the notions of “class” (in the Marxian sense) and nannü as separate terms. She asks instead that we approach nannü as always already a kind of class making, one that is more originary and primary than any other social distinctions.
Second, He-Yin Zhen would have been surprised to find that “race” is deemed more fundamental than “class” as an analytical category. She would have doubted that a historically specific and inflected politics of identity, based on gender, race, or national origin, could seriously challenge the systemic roots of oppression that feminists and critical race theorists aim to uproot, insofar as identity-based analyses often, if not always, acquiesce in the liberal-legal conception of the state, its politics, and its preconstituted subjecthood.