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The social and economic policy assumptions underlying these interventions are crucial for the shape of social relations in Europe. The ‘social dimension’ of the European Union may be variously regarded as central to this European project, or as a marginal extra to the creation of a single European market (European Commission 1993; European Commission, 1994a; Ziltener and Bornschier, 1995). Nevertheless, the forms of regulation of employment and the equal treatment of women and men in employment, have a clear impact even in the UK, despite the attempt by the UK government to opt out of the Social Chapter of the Maastricht Treaty.
However, there are a series of caveats which place some qualifications on this picture including: the implications of the particular definition of work and employment used; that most of the increase is in part-time rather than full-time work; that there are significant patterns of difference and inequality between women. The exact figure placed on women’s increased participation in employment depends upon the particular definition of work and employment used. Statistics on employees in employment utilise a definition which shows women to be closer to male rates than others, since those who are self-employed, in armed services or who are unemployed but seeking work are not included and these latter categories include disproportionately more men.
The UK Government was also forced to provide the same rights to part-time workers as to full-timers as a result of the defeat of the UK Government’s position in the House of Lords due to the primacy of EU law over UK law in the matter of equal opportunities in employment. Thus in order to understand the legal framework for equal opportunity in employment we need to recognise the importance of not only the UK state, but also the European Union and in particular its Commission. The political forces are a major factor in altering the legal and industrial relations contexts within which gender relations in the labour market are regulated.