By Jenneke A. Oosterhoff
Basic Dutch: A Grammar and Workbook includes an available reference grammar and similar workouts in one volume.
This Workbook provides twenty-five person grammar issues in real looking contexts, delivering a grammatical procedure for you to permit scholars now not already accustomed to those constructions to turn into acquainted with their use. Grammar issues are by means of examples and workouts permitting scholars to enhance and consolidate their learning.
Suitable for sophistication use or self-study, simple Dutch introduces Dutch tradition and folks in the course of the medium of the language used this present day, delivering scholars with the fundamental instruments to precise themselves in a large choice of situations.
Features include:
• important workouts and a whole solution key
• grammar tables for simple reference
• widespread comparative references to English grammar
• an appendix of abnormal verbs
• an index of grammatical phrases.
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Additional info for Basic Dutch: A Grammar and Workbook
Example text
Typology, Context Constraints, and Historical Emergence. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. A. 1989. Subjects, specifiers and X-bar theory. In Alternative Conceptions of Phrase Structure, M. Baltin & A. Kroch (eds), 232–262. New York NY: Academic Press. S. 1994. Saturation, predication, and the DP hypothesis, Linguistic Analysis 24: 39–61. Szabolcsi, A. 1987. Functional categories in the noun phrase. In Approaches to Hungarian, Vol. 2: Theories and Analyses, I. ), 167–189. Szeged: JATE. Szabolcsi, A. 1983.
Sieh-st du das Bild. ’ (the painting is close) (the painting is farther away) (the location of the painting is irrelevant) Further evidence that the specification for location is indeed an adjoined modifier in German stems from the fact that, in colloquial German, where demonstratives are rarely used, location is specified by an adjoined locative (deictic) particle: hier (‘here’) or dort (‘there’), as illustrated in (60). (60) German: a. Der Mann hier schläft. ’ b. Der Mann dort schläft. ’ Having established that location in German is a modifying feature, we now turn to Halkomelem.
Nothing in our analysis would require the two properties to be correlated. And there is indeed evidence to the effect that these two properties are independent of each other. The evidence comes from another Salish language, namely Lillooet (Northern Interior Salish). 13 (48) Lillooet: a. ti sk’úk’wmi7ta d child ‘the/a child’ b. pl c. pl bird ‘the/some birds’ d. pl ‘the/some birds’ Thus in Lillooet there is no truly unmarked determiner. This suggests that plural marking on determiners in Lillooet is determined by properties of the discourse referent (like in Halkomelem), but at the same time it is an inherent head feature that requires valuation (like in German): (49) D Lillooet: context → number [number: ] [number: ] N D This establishes that the two ways in which features can differ in terms of their distribution are indeed independent of each other, as predicted by the analysis.